The Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) has called on United Nations Secretary-General, António Guterres, to invoke Article 99 of the UN Charter and formally bring Nigeria’s escalating insecurity before the UN Security Council.

In an open letter dated May 30, 2026, and signed by its Deputy Director, Kolawole Oluwadare, SERAP argued that the scale of abductions, killings, attacks on civilians and mass displacement across several parts of Nigeria now poses a threat to international peace and security.

The organisation cited recurring violence in Oyo, Benue, Borno, Plateau, Kaduna, Zamfara and other states, warning that the persistent attacks by armed groups and criminal networks have created widespread human suffering, destruction and collective trauma.

According to SERAP, Article 99 empowers the UN Secretary-General to draw the Security Council’s attention to situations that may threaten global peace and security, stressing that Nigeria’s security crisis has outgrown the limits of a domestic law-enforcement challenge.

“The crisis in Nigeria is not merely a domestic law-enforcement issue. Its effects increasingly implicate regional peace and security through cross-border movement of armed groups and weapons, large-scale displacement, growing instability beyond Nigeria’s borders, and weakening human rights and rule-of-law institutions,” the group stated.

SERAP pointed to the recent abduction of pupils and teachers from schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, where at least 25 pupils and seven teachers were reportedly kidnapped, while two education workers lost their lives during and after the attack.

The rights group also referenced reports of students travelling to sit university entrance examinations being abducted in Benue State, as well as deadly attacks in Borno, Katsina and Adamawa states that left scores of civilians dead and many others displaced.

It noted that recent bomb explosions in Maiduguri reportedly killed at least 23 persons and injured more than 100, while attacks on military formations, internally displaced persons’ camps and rural communities have continued unabated.

SERAP recalled that the UN and its agencies have repeatedly expressed concern over Nigeria’s worsening security situation. It cited Guterres’ condemnation of killings in Benue State in 2025, his reaction to a terrorist attack in Kwara State earlier this year, and warnings by the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights over rising cases of mass abductions.

The organisation argued that the humanitarian and regional implications of the crisis warrant urgent international attention, noting that insecurity has displaced millions, disrupted livelihoods and worsened food insecurity across affected communities.

SERAP urged the UN chief to place Nigeria’s security situation on the Security Council’s agenda, encourage regular briefings on insecurity and its humanitarian consequences, and support stronger international monitoring of attacks, displacement and human rights violations.

The Atlantic Bell reports that the organisation also called on Nigerian authorities to intensify efforts to protect civilians, secure the release of abducted persons, investigate attacks independently and effectively, and ensure accountability for perpetrators and their sponsors.

According to SERAP, sustained international scrutiny and coordinated action are necessary to prevent further deterioration of the security situation and safeguard peace and stability in Nigeria and the wider West African region.

As Nigeria’s political class gradually shifts attention to the 2027 presidential election, no single figure has generated as much intrigue, uncertainty and quiet anxiety across party lines as former President Goodluck Jonathan.

Unlike many politicians already openly positioning themselves for the next contest, Jonathan has neither declared interest nor publicly ruled himself out.

Yet his name continues to dominate conversations within the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), particularly among factions determined to present him as a consensus candidate capable of challenging President Bola Tinubu.

The latest development came when the Kabiru Turaki-led faction of the PDP reportedly moved to adopt Jonathan as its presidential candidate, despite the former president neither attending the congress nor issuing any statement acknowledging the decision.

That silence has become the most powerful statement in Nigeria’s evolving political equation.

Only days ago, a Federal High Court in Abuja dismissed a suit seeking to bar Jonathan from participating in the 2027 presidential race and effectively affirmed that he remains constitutionally eligible to contest.

Ordinarily, such a judgment would have prompted a clear political response from the man at the centre of the controversy.

Instead, Jonathan has maintained the same studied silence that has characterised his public posture for months.
Political observers say that silence is precisely what has kept speculation alive.
Across Abuja, party offices and political gatherings, three dominant interpretations have emerged.

The first is that Jonathan may genuinely be considering a return but is carefully weighing the political terrain before making any commitment. Supporters of this view point to reports that consultations have intensified around him and that influential figures within the PDP and other political blocs see him as a unifying figure capable of attracting support across regional and religious divides.

The second interpretation is that Jonathan is deliberately allowing various groups to test public sentiment on his behalf. In Nigerian politics, prospective candidates often prefer to appear “drafted” into contests rather than openly ambitious.

By remaining silent while supporters campaign for him, Jonathan avoids the risks associated with an early declaration while benefiting from constant media attention and political momentum.

A third school of thought argues that the former president may ultimately have no intention of running at all.

According to this view, his reputation as an elder statesman, election observer and international diplomat may make a return to partisan politics less attractive than many assume. Such analysts note that Jonathan has repeatedly cultivated an image above everyday political battles since leaving office in 2015.

Yet even among sceptics, one question persists: if he has no interest whatsoever, why has he not publicly shut down the speculation?

That question continues to unsettle both allies and opponents.

Within sections of the PDP, Jonathan is increasingly viewed as one of the few personalities capable of helping the party overcome its lingering internal divisions. Having previously occupied the presidency and retained a relatively moderate national image after conceding defeat in 2015, he remains one of the party’s most recognisable political assets.

His supporters also argue that nostalgia may work in his favour. At a time of economic hardship, insecurity and growing public frustration, some Nigerians look back at the Jonathan years with greater sympathy than they did while he was in office. Political groups in several parts of the country have openly urged him to return, insisting that his experience and perceived temperament could help stabilise the country.

However, a Jonathan comeback would not be without obstacles.

Questions about zoning and power rotation remain potent in Nigerian politics. Although Jonathan comes from the South-South, critics may argue that another southern candidacy immediately after Tinubu would complicate demands from northern political interests seeking a return of power to their region.

There is also the challenge of political organisation. Winning a presidential election in contemporary Nigeria requires far more than name recognition. It demands a nationwide political structure, substantial resources, strategic alliances and a united party platform. The PDP itself remains divided, and Jonathan would have to navigate multiple competing interests before emerging as a broadly accepted candidate.

Furthermore, his opponents would likely revisit unresolved debates from his previous administration, including issues of security, corruption perceptions and governance challenges that contributed to his defeat in 2015.

Yet despite those hurdles, few analysts dismiss his electoral viability.

Unlike many aspirants whose popularity remains confined to particular regions, Jonathan retains a level of national familiarity that could prove valuable in a highly competitive race. His status as the first Nigerian president to concede defeat peacefully continues to earn him goodwill both locally and internationally.

For now, however, the greatest source of Jonathan’s political strength may be uncertainty itself. Everyday he refuses to speak, speculation grows.

Every endorsement issued in his name generates fresh debate. Every court ruling, party declaration or political consultation deepens the mystery surrounding his intentions.

Whether the former president is genuinely preparing for a return to Aso Rock or merely watching events unfold from a distance, one reality is becoming increasingly evident.

In the battle for 2027, Goodluck Jonathan is already shaping the conversation without officially entering the race.

And until he finally speaks, Nigeria’s political establishment will continue reading meaning into his silence.

State governors across Nigeria are considering a proposal to raise the national minimum wage to N100,000 as part of efforts to cushion the impact of rising inflation and worsening economic hardship on workers.

Chairman of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) and Governor of Kwara State, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq, disclosed the development on Saturday, saying discussions are ongoing between state governments, the Federal Government and organised labour to arrive at a wage structure that balances workers’ welfare with fiscal sustainability.

According to AbdulRazaq, governors acknowledge the urgent need to improve the living conditions of workers in response to the current economic realities, including soaring food prices, transportation costs and the increasing cost of basic necessities.

He explained that while workers deserve improved remuneration, policymakers must also consider the financial realities facing state governments to ensure they can continue to meet salary obligations and execute critical development projects.

“The goal is to improve the living conditions of workers while ensuring that states can continue to meet their obligations and sustain development projects that directly impact citizens,” he stated.

The proposed increase from the current statutory minimum wage of N70,000 is expected to further fuel national discussions on wages, inflation and broader economic reforms. Many Nigerian workers have repeatedly argued that existing salaries can no longer adequately meet household needs amid persistent economic pressures.

Although the national benchmark remains N70,000, some states, including Lagos, Rivers and Imo, are already paying above the approved minimum wage in a bid to support workers.

Meanwhile, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) has continued to advocate for a comprehensive salary review, insisting that Nigerian workers deserve a living wage capable of meeting present-day economic demands rather than one that merely guarantees survival.